보고서: 미래의 글로벌 금융위기에 대한 대응 방안 (원제: Walking the Path to the Next Global Financial Crisis)

브라이스 윌킨슨 ∙ 홍레오 공저

천사 (아서 그라임스 교수, 웰링턴 빅토리아대학교)

금융위기 임박?

이 보고서의 제목인 “글로벌 금융위기로 가는 길(Walking the Path to the Next Global Financial Crisis)”은 얼마나 가까운 미래에 금융위기가 발생할 것인지에 논란에 대한 질문을 던진다. 그리고 상당히 근미래에 글로벌 금융위기가 발생할 수 있는 이유가 있다고 본다.  

지난 25년간  뉴질랜드를 비롯한 많은 국가들은 아시아금융위기와 글로벌금융위기(GFC)라는 두 번의  전세계적인 위기의 영향을 받아 왔다. 이 두번의 금융위기는 부채 문제를 심각하게 받아들이지 않고 지속가능하지 않은 방법으로 무리한 확장을 해왔던 것이 그 원인이라고 할 수 있는데, 정부의 재정적자, 중앙은행의 안일한 통화정책, 그리고 민간금융기관의 무분별한 대출관행이 맞물려 이러한 위기를 초래했다.  

코로나19팬데믹으로 인한 위기 상황에 대해 금융기관이 취한 결정들은 앞서 발생한 두 금융위기를 초래한 문제들을 답습하고 있다. 각국 정부는 활발한 경제 활동과 경기부양을 위해 위해 돈 쏟아붓기를 감행하여 부채 후유증 가능성을 높이고 있고, 중앙은행 이러한 적자 보전을 위해 자금을 마련해주었으며, 민간기관은 그로 인한 유동성이 막대한 투기적 자산 구매를 위한 대출로 이어지게 방관하고 있다. 

금융시장 버블에 대해 금융정책기관들이 근시안적인 행동을 취하고 있는 것 역시 과거를 답습하고 있다. 예를 들면, 미국연방준비은행(Federal Reserve)은 1998년 장외파생상품(LTCM: Long Term Capital Management) 시장의 붕괴 이후 금융기관을 구제해 주는 결정을 내린 바있다. 그러한  개입직후, 미국회계감사원(GAO)는 그 같은 구제에 대하여 다음과 같이 평가했다. 

… 연방준비은행이 대형금융기관을 대신하여 개입 할 것이라는 믿음을 줌으로서, 그 기관들이 더 많은 리스크를 감수하도록 장려한 셈이 되었다  … 연방준비은행의 개입으로 인해 사람들은 “대마불사(too big to fail)”의 신조가 확대 되었다고 우려했다 … 연방정부의 안전망이 확보되었다고 기업들이 믿게 된다면 이들이 더 리스크가 큰 사업을 추구하는 행태를 조장하게 된다. 

무분별한 확장에 대한 이러한 예측은 글로벌 금융위기 이전에 이미 쓰여진 것이다.  정부, 중앙은행 및 민간부문 금융기관의 정책 방안은 대출기관과 채무자의 손해 리스크를 줄이도록 개입하는 것에 초점을 맞추어 왔는데, 이것은 자산가격 상승에 올인하는 사람들을 유리한 입장에, 반대로 보다 신중하게 접근하는 사람들은 불리한 입장에 놓이게 하는 것이다.  

1984년 경제개혁 이전 뉴질랜드에서도 유사한 방향의 움직임들이 있었다. 그리고 1994년부터 2008년까지 중도좌파와 중도우파 정부들은 후속조치로 15년 연속 재정흑자를 실현한 바 있다. 그리고 뉴질랜드 중앙은행은 물가안정 또는 최소한의 낮은 인플레이션을 목표로 삼았기 때문에  정부가 막대한 재정 적자를 초래한 타국가들과는 다르게 아시아금융위기와 글로벌 금융위기를 상대적으로 잘 해결할 수 있는 위치에 있었다.   

뉴질랜드정부는 글로벌 금융 위기와 코로나위기에 대한 대응으로 확장 재정정책을 실행하였고 이러한 조치는 불가피한 측면이 있었다. 글로벌금융위기 이후, 재정정책은 신중한 자세를 견지 하였으며, 또 마땅히 그렇게 했어야 했다. 다만, 앞선 두 위기와 현재의 코로나-19 대응은 중요한 차이점이 있는데, 바로 코로나 대응을 위한 중앙은행의 조치는 유동성 및 자산가격의 큰 상승을 초래했다는 점이다. 이러한 조치는 뉴질랜드를 자산가격의 붕괴 위험에 노출시키는 것이고 이것은 향후 경제적 고통을 야기할 수 있다. 지속이 불가능한 재정정책과 및 통화정책으로 인하여 금융위기 리스크에 적신호가 켜졌다. 

지난 40년 동안 공공정책에 대한 경제학자들의 가르침은 “이번에도 다르지 않다(this time is not different)”는 이 보고서의 통찰력있는 메시지와도 일맥상통하다.

보고서요약

이 보고서는 글로벌 금융시스템의 안정성에 대해 경고하고, 이에 대한 근거를 제시한다. 특히 미국, 유럽연합, 영국, 일본 등의 세계 주요국가들의 최근 행보는 또 한번의 글로벌 금융위기를 초래할 수 있다. 중국의 불투명한 부채 문제에 대해서도 우려가 크다.

각 국의 주요 중앙은행들은 전례 없는 수준으로 금리를 인하하고 자산을 매입하는 양적 완화를 단행하고 있다. 1694년 이후 영국중앙은행(Bank of England: BOE)의 재할인금리가 지금처럼 낮았던 적이 없다. GDP대비 자산가치도 전례없이 높다.

대규모 정부재정적자와 극심한 국가부채가 일상화되고 있다.  재정적자와 국가부채 문제는 금리가 예년 수준으로 올라갈 경우에 훨씬 더 심각해질 것이다.

역사적으로 보면 국가부채비율은 전쟁을 치룬다든지 하는 특별한 필요에 의해서 높아졌지만, 평화 시에는 천천히 감소하는 경향을 보여왔다. 그러나 평화 시기라고 할 수 있는 지금 현재, 국가부채비율은 충격적인 수준이다.

주요 선진국에서 국가부채는 공공부문의 자산 가치를 넘어서고 있다. 이들 정부들은 납세자인 국민들의 미래를 저당잡고 있는 것이나 마찬가지이다.

현재 각국의 금융당국의 대응을 보면 2007년 글로벌금융위기(GFC) 당시의 이례적인 수준의 대응보다도 더 극단적이다. 중앙은행은 금리를 대폭 인하하고 아주 이례적인 수준으로 대출을 확대하고 있다. 다시 말해, 정부가 그들의 금융기관들에게 긴급구제금융(bail out)을 제공하고 있는 셈이다.

이러한 조치는 일견 이해가능한 면도 있으나, 미래의 큰 리스크를 야기한다. 정책결정자들은 시장원칙을 무시하고, 여론을 악화시키고, 국가부채비율 증가를 부채질하고 있다. 당국에서 이러한 비용을 고려하지 않은 것은 아니다. 다만, 그들의 절실한 과제는 고용과 경제활동의 유지였다.

Covid-19 팬데믹 이전에도 세계 주요국들은 글로벌금융위기 이전 수준으로 금융정책이 정상화되지 못한 상태였다. (예외적으로 뉴질랜드는 대부분 글로벌금융위기 이전 수준으로 정상화되었다고는 하지만, 뉴질랜드를 세계 주요국이라고 하기 어렵다). 코로나 팬데믹으로 인해 국가부채비율과 순 금융 부채(net financial liabilities)는 전례없는 수준으로 증가하였다. 이것은 톱니바퀴 효과처럼 한쪽 방향으로만 움직이게 되기 때문에 우리를 미래의 글로벌금융위기로 이끌 가능성이 크다.

인위적으로 낮춘 금리는 역효과를 낳게 된다. 인위적으로 낮은 금리는 사람들로 하여금 과대평가되고 리스크가 큰 자산을 매입하기 위해 대출을 받도록 부추긴다. 그러한 결정은 암울한 결말을 맞이하게 될 가능성이 크다. 이러한 조치들은 또한 “좀비 기업(zombie firm)”이라고 불리는 기업들, 즉 미래는 없고 부채만 많은 기업도 근근히 생명을 연장하게 할 것이다. 이 좀비 기업들은 다른 기업들이 더 잘 활용할 수 있는 자원을 점유하고 있다. 그들은 또한 정부로 하여금 더 많이 빌리고, 덜 신중하게 지출하도록 조장한다. 이것은 다 미래에 큰 비용을 치루게 된다.

이러한 최근의 현상들은 다음과 같은 질문을 낳는다. 글로벌 금융시스템이 어떻게 하다가 이 지경까지 오게 되었는가? 앞으로는 어떻게 될 것인가? 뉴질랜드 정부와 국민들은 어떻게 책임 있는 행동을 할 것인가?

첫 번째 질문에 대한 간단명료한 대답은 우리의 시스템이 정부, 금융기관 및 투자자를 금융 리스크로부터 과도하게 보호했기 때문이라는 것이다. 정부를 포함해 모든 이들은, 납세자인 국민들이 리스크에 대해 계약심사(underwriting)를 하고 있다고 여길 때 덜 주의하게 된다. 이러한 행태는 소위 도덕적 해이(moral hazard)라고 불리기도 한다.

이 문제의 원인은 애초에 설계가 잘못되었다기 보다는 상황변화로 인한 것이라고 볼 수 있다.  평화 시기의 인플레이션은 고전적 금본위제를 고수하는 국가들에서는 미미한 수준이었다.  불황 속 물가상승 현상인 스태그플레이션(stagflation)은 1971년 미국이 금본위제를 폐지한 후 발생했다. 그리고 인플레이션을 줄여야 하는 고통스러운 디스인플레이션 과정이 뒤따랐다.

1990년대에 각국정부들은 0-2% 대의 낮은 인플레이션을 목표로 하는 통화정책에 집중했고 이러한 시도들은 꽤 성공적이었다. 이 시기에는 낮은 인플레이션과 함께 완만한 경제성장이 이어졌다.

그러나 1990년대에 글로벌 금융위기의 씨앗이 뿌려지고 있었다. 정부정책은 지나치게 리스크가 큰 부동산담보대출을 조장했다. 투자자들은 자산가격이 폭락할 경우에는 미국연방준비은행이 금융기관을 지원하기 위해 기꺼이 나선다는 것을 목격했다.

‘대마불사(too big to fail)’ 및 ‘그린스펀 풋(Greenspan Put)’과 같은 용어들은 금융업계의 일반적인 문법이 되었다. 거대한 미국정부 후원기관은 모기지 관련 보안위험을 감수했다. 신용평가기관들은 리스크를 제대로 파악하는데 실패했다. 심지어는 유럽중앙은행(European Central Bank)조차도 금융시장의 추락을 피하기 위해 모든 것을 감수하겠다고 약속하였다.

반면, 일본은 다른 경로로 글로벌 금융위기를 겪었다. 일본은 1970년대 스태그플레이션을 경험하지 않은 국가이다. 다만, 일본은 급격한 부동산가격 상승을 1980년대에 겪었으며, 1990초반에는 일본 경제침체와 함께 부동산가격이 폭락하게 되었다.

일본정부는 재정적자를 감수하고서도 경제활동을 활성화하기 위해 금융정책을 폈다. 일본중앙은행(Bank of Japan)은 점점 더 극단적인 통화정책을 실시했다. 경제성장은 여전히 ​​취약했다.

일본은 글로벌금융위기 이후에도 이와 같은 정책경로를 고수해왔으며 다른 많은 선진국들도 동일한 조치를 많이 실시했다. 자산가치가 뒷받침되지 않는 국가부채의 급증은 일상화되었다.

앞서 말한 세가지 질문 중 두 번째 질문과 관련하여서는, 앞으로 자산가격, 인플레이션, 생산량 및 실업과 관련하여 굉장히 안좋은 일들이 펼쳐질 것으로 예상한다.

정부와 중앙은행의 극단적인 조치들을 어떻게 정상화할 수 있을 것인지 대책이 없다. 일본이 먼저 이런 상황에 빠졌고 스스로 빠져나올 수 없음을 보여주었다.

정부는 재정적자를 줄일 경우 실업이 증가할 것을  걱정한다. 중앙은행들도 금리 인상을 할 경우 실업에 미칠 영향을 우려한다. 소위 “좀비 기업” 들은 분명히 도산할 것이다. 금리가 높아지면 재정적자도 증가하는데, 이는 국가부도로 이어질 우려가 있다.

통화정책은 재정정책과 점점 더 밀접하게 연결되고 있다. 이러한 통화정책의 정치화(politicisation)는 금융시장의 안정성을 크게 위협한다. 다급해진 정부는 중앙은행이 낮은 이자율로 그들의 재정적자 문제를 해결하기 원한다. 유럽 ​​중앙은행의 국채매입은 상당한 기간 동안 이탈리아와 일부 다른 국가의 정부재정적자 수준을 초과했다. 이러한 행보는 법적으로, 도덕적으로, 경제적으로 지속 가능하지 않다.

또 한번의 글로벌 금융위기가 시작되면 자산가격이 폭락하고 금융공황상태가 야기될 것이다. 실업과 대규모파산 사태가 이어질 것이다. 극단적인 인플레이션에 이어 디플레이션 상황이 오게되면 은행예금과 현금의 가치가 파괴될 수 있다. 많은 사람들이 부의 상당부분을 잃게 될 것이다.

미래에 글로벌 금융위기가 발생하면 모든 사람들은 정부에게 파산만을 막아주도록 경기부양(keep the economy afloat)을 하도록 기대할 것이다.  정부는 정치적으로 어렵지만 꼭 필요할 결단을 하기 어려워진다. 아쉽게도 정부가 그렇게 할 수 있는 역량도 줄어들고 있다.

그렇게 되면, 유권자들은 불행한 정권을 퇴진시킬 것이다. 유권자들은 포퓰리스트 또는 독재주의 정부로 기존의 정권을 대체할 수도 있다. 실망과 불안이 따를 것이다. 예측불가능한 미래가 펼쳐질 것이다.

이것은 선진국 경제의 최악의 시나리오이다.

이보다 더 낙관적인 시나리오가 있을 수 있다. 이자율과 인플레이션이 낮게 유지되는 동안 강력하고 지속적인 경제성장이 필요하다. 또한 정부는 지출을 늘리기보다는 재정적자를 줄이기 위한 세입 증가노력을 기울여야 한다. 안타깝게도 이 시나리오는 모든 면에서 문제가 있다. 그로 인해 낙관적인 시나리오는 단순히 희망사항(wishful thinking)일 수 있다.

이 보고서는 두 가지 다른 시나리오를 고려하고 있다. 하나는 선진국 경제는 일반적으로 절뚝거리게 될 것이라는 시나리오로, 1990년대 초반 이후 일본과 같은 상황이라고 보면 된다. 경제침체가 계속되고 순공공부채비율은 GDP의 200%를 넘게 된다. 인플레이션은 최소한으로, 이자율도  낮은 수준을 유지한다.

인플레이션이 문제가 된다면 금리를 올려 채무자에게 부담을 줄 수 있다. 글로벌 금융위기를 어떻게든 피하게 되더라도 1970년대의 스태그플레이션 사태와 비슷한 시나리오가 전개될 수 있다.

뉴질랜드가 글로벌 금융폭풍으로부터 스스로를 가장 잘 보호 할 수 있는 방법은 무엇인가? 뉴질랜드 국민들은 이상적인 상황을 원할 수 있겠지만, 그런 낙관론에만 의존해서는 안된다. 앞서 설명한 세계적인 흐름는 전례가 없었다.

소국 경제(small economies)의 경우 신중한 방어조치가 거의 유일한 대안이다. 뉴질랜드정부는 다음 금융위기가 닥치기 전에 국영기관(Crown)의 순자산과 공공 순부채를 합리적인 수준까지 회복시킬 계획을 세워야 한다. 이러한 조지들은 계속적인 지출증가를 억제한다는 것을 의미한다. 독립적으로 운영되는 재정위원회가 의회에 보고하는 것이 도움이 될 수 있다. 뉴질랜드의 외환보유고 상황이 검토될 수 있는데, 특히 금 보유고에 관해 그러한 검토가 필요할 수 있다. 준비은행은 긴급구제금융을 정상화하고 금리를 인상하는 명확한 계획을 가지고 있어야 한다.

뉴질랜드 정부가 덜 신중할수록 개인차원에서 뉴질랜드 국민 개개인은 더 신중해야 한다. 현재의 가격으로 부동산이나 주식을 매수하기 위해 무리하게 대출을 감행하는 것은  개인의 미래를 가지고 러시안룰렛 게임을 하는 것과 마찬가지로 위험하다. 포트폴리오를 분산투자해야 한다. 디플레이션과 인플레이션 문제가 발생할 가능성이 모두 존재한다.

Politics Taking Precedent over ‘Policy’

Over the course of the last two years in Wellington, I have come to realise something. Many people enter politics with the best of intentions, however, they end up becoming a part of the system. In my opinion, the majority in the House of Representatives place poll numbers ahead of effective governance and public administration. And this is failing the public. There appears to be no vision, let alone a direction, for the future of Aotearoa New Zealand from either the government or Opposition.

Those who know me well will recall that I campaigned for Labour four years ago, and at the time I was genuinely enthusiastic about Jacinda’s message of hope, change and progress. I was proud to be part of a movement that fostered change. Solving the problems surrounding the housing market, inequality, education, health, well-being, and climate change was a moral imperative for me.

The Labour Party is now in power. But how well have they done on objective metrics such as Housing? With the exception of our crisis management – such as our containment of Covid-19 – they are worse.

In the past year, house prices have increased by 32%. The inequality gap in wealth and income worsened under the current government than under any of the previous three governments combined. PISA rankings in Math, Science, and Reading have all fallen significantly. We have inadequate public health measures due to a limited number of intensive care units, and our doctors and nurses are not receiving the salaries they deserve. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Health bureaucrats have more money in their coffers without delivering any meaningful results. In spite of government commitments to spend billions on mental health, the situation continues to worsen. With regard to climate change, our oil and gas ban has caused market externalities – we burn more coal to generate electricity, which resulted in higher emissions. This is utterly unacceptable.

Politicians always claim in the media that they tried their best. In a company or in the private sector, if this was the performance result, they would all be severely questioned by the Board of Directors. However, in politics, there is no direct accountability. Failures are not grounds for dismissal, except for the voting system every three years.

However, one of the reasons for government failures have to do with the lack of competition. Currently, the Opposition is in disarray. Instead of proposing public policy solutions of their own, they are fighting among themselves. There is little incentive for the leading party to push for positive change when they are dominating the polls without much being achieved. Essentially, there is no need for them to perform better. Furthermore, the quality of politicians throughout the House is abysmal. The fact that the Minister of Justice, Kris Faafoi, had to remain in politics – despite wanting to leave – tells us much about the lack of talent within the party.

Personally, I really don’t care who is in charge so long as the performances are excellent. In a similar manner to when the CEO of a company changes, where outputs and profits stay high. For this to occur in our political system, we must cultivate more competent and talented individuals across the political spectrum. We need people that care more about ‘policy’ not ‘politics’ in the future. This is essential to the economic growth and well-being of the country.

It matters for all of us.

Riding into the political sunset

Winston Peters will exit politics for the third time in his career. I spotted his ghost at Parliament the other day. He looked unusually grumpy.

Maybe it was just my hallucination, but after decades of observing him it was incredibly lifelike. After all, his mannerisms have become predictable. So, I sidled up to the apparition and asked if he found the election outcome a bit depressing.

“No, no. No, no. No, no. There’s no need for you to go into a fit of gloom and doom at this point in time,” he replied curtly.

Ok. But perhaps he had some thoughts on Ardern’s campaign?

“Can I finish? Can I finish? Look, Mr Hong, you’ll do much better if you listened for a second.”

I began to apologise, but he must have thought I was interrupting — “No, no, no, no, stop right, stop right there. Stop right there, Leonard.”

Instead of carrying on, he just glared at me. After a few moments I asked if this was the true end of his political career.

“Look, look, this is just now speculating on what neither you or I or anybody else, including the experts, could possibly prognosticate this far out.

“Why would you make a statement like that? Try and be neutral and unbiased. If you are going to ask questions back it up with some certainty.”

Now I understood what it’s like to be a press gallery reporter. Poor things.

“I’m not giving you my comment on that,” Peters continued. “But I do believe in a thing called commercial accountability, as we also believe in political and journalistic accountability.”

I gave him one final chance to say something nice to say about David Seymour and Gerry Brownlee.

“If Nelson Mandela can walk out of Robben Island after 27 years and forgive his oppressors, so can I.

“I could’ve been the Prime Minister years ago if I was prepared to suck up to the right-wing ideology for the National Party. I think that we’ve covered the subject as comprehensively as we can possibly do it.”

I raised my eyebrows. Again, he must have thought I was about to ask a question.

“I’ve got a message for my friends in the media, and it’s all bad. Most of them have been arrogant, quiche eating, chardonnay drinking, pinkie finger-pointing snobbery – and fart blossoms.

“I have never heard such obsequious, subservient grovelling, kowtowing, palm-kissing nonsense.”

And so, the inimitable, Right Honourable Winston Peters walked into the political sunset. Generations of journalists will miss his wordy ways of not answering questions.

We wish him unexcited calm in retirement. It would be a New Zealand First.

Research Note: Safe Arrivals

Dr. Eric Crampton and Leonard Hong

Up to a million Kiwis live overseas with a right to return to New Zealand. While the country is now effectively free of Covid-19, with cases only in the country’s quarantine facilities, the pandemic rages abroad and is unlikely to abate anytime soon. Even if a vaccine is developed this year, scaling up its production will take time. In the meantime, the Government must scale up its own capabilities and capacity within its managed isolation and quarantine facilities.

This report provides a pathway toward safer scaling-up of border capabilities. It begins from the principle that safe entry should be allowed, and that risky entry must be made safe.

Beginning from that principle, the report argues that the New Zealand border should be reopened to travellers arriving from places that are similarly free of Covid-19. Islands in the Realm of New Zealand depend on travel to and from New Zealand and are currently Covid-free. Taiwan has no community transmission and has pandemic control systems at least as strong as New Zealand’s. Maintaining border restrictions against travel to and from safe places imposes substantial harm. Continued closed borders to the Pacific Islands imposes an onerous humanitarian burden along with economic calamity.

Like kayakers in stormy seas rafting up together for safety, New Zealand should ‘raft up’ with other Covid-free places.

Entry from other locations must be made safe. And while closing borders entirely can feel like the right response when other parts of the world are in dire straits, it is impossible. Too many Kiwis live abroad and may wish to return. The managed isolation and quarantine system must be able to scale up to accommodate those people along with potential non-citizen visitors from similar locations.

This report argues that the Government should shift its approach. Rather than considering charging some arriving Kiwis for their stays in managed isolation, it should instead directly subsidise the stays of returning Kiwis whose stays the Government would wish to support with a voucher system.

Under the proposed voucher system, those wishing to come to New Zealand – citizens or not – would be required to present before boarding proof of a booking in one of the approved managed isolation facilities. Eligible returning Kiwis could apply their vouchers toward the full or partial cost of their stay in managed isolation. Vouchers could be set at a level consistent with the cost of a stay at a basic facility. Other returnees would need to bear the full cost of their stay. Facilities would be free to set their own room fees, but the Government would charge each facility for the full cost of police, military and other staff involved with managing isolation.

The Government would continue to oversee safety in managed isolation and private accommodation facilities would continue to provide the rooms. But this shift would make it far easier for returning Kiwis, and others, to manage their own arrivals while freeing the Government of the burden of scrambling to place arriving visitors into scarce spaces in managed isolation. It would also encourage other facilities to shift into providing managed isolation services (under Government oversight and supervision).

The present system is strained. It struggles to accommodate need, but must scale up substantially if Kiwis abroad choose to exercise their right to return home. Allocating scarce positions in managed isolation by Ministerial discretion forces Ministers into impossible positions in deciding whose need is greatest.

Being able to scale up safely is critically important. The entire country made incredibly costly efforts to make New Zealand effectively Covid-free. Some Kiwis continue to bear those costs through family separation, unemployment or failing businesses. And for a long time yet, the country will be paying off the new government debt accrued to help the economy survive lockdown.

Improving border protocols to allow for safe entry at scale would not only help those worst affected by the collective elimination efforts, it would open up opportunities that simply were not available in the pre-pandemic world. Rather than trying to estimate the extent of New Zealand’s likely economic losses, the country could be looking at stronger economic opportunities.

Recommendations
The New Zealand Government should:

  • Set a principle to allow safe entry into New Zealand;
  • Recognise that entry from safe places by people who have not recently been to risky places is safe. Re-open the border to entry from Taiwan and the Covid-free Pacific Islands and assess whether individual Australian states could be considered safe;
  • Support the Pacific Island neighbours in ensuring safe external borders;
  • Continue to assess the adequacy of safety protocols on flights to risky places and at airports handling passengers from risky places;
  • Allow greater scaling-up of managed isolation by:
    o Allowing those arriving to take up a greater portion of the cost: full user-pays for non-citizens and a voucher-based co-payment scheme for returning residents and citizens;
    o Certifying facilities as authorised providers of managed isolation or quarantine services;
    o Charging isolation facilities for the isolation management services provided by the government;
    o Allowing facilities to provide their own management services if they are able to credibly demonstrate capability of doing so safely, but only under strict supervision and process auditing;
    o Requiring all arrivals book their own accommodation in authorised isolation facilities and provide proof of booking before boarding flights to New Zealand;
    o Training potential isolation management staff;
    o Charging isolation facilities for the isolation services provided by the government on a full cost-recovery basis;
  • Layering additional safety protocols for non-citizens arriving from risky places to further reduce risk as numbers increase, such as post-isolation testing and daily health check-ins;
  • Consult with New Zealand’s epidemiologist community over the medium term as both testing and app-based technologies develop to assess whether alternative sets of restrictions could reduce risk at lower cost for travellers from less risky but not risk-free places.

Prime Minister has the Beehive in the bag — 2020 General Election

Figure 1: Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern. 

 

New Zealanders have witnessed partisan nonsense from both sides of the House of Representatives during the Covid-19 pandemic. Ranging from Hamish Walker’s disgraceful letter about quarantine arrivals, Michelle Boag’s woeful decisions, David Clark’s resignation as Health Minister, and in addition blunderous border management by few incompetent Cabinet Ministers. Whilst such partisanship is not surprising to me in politics, the severity of some of these scandals leaves a nasty taste in my mouth. Instead of focusing on the main task of keeping our team of 5 million safe from Covid-19, many politicians in Parliament would rather shoot cheap shots at one another. During the midst of all of this, the centre-left Labour Party will almost certainly win the election and the main key asset for this instrumental task is the Prime Minister herself. 

Why do I think the Prime Minister will win? Multifaceted reasons. I’ve known the Prime Minister for a few years beginning in 2016 when I volunteered for the NZ Labour Party initially as a young undergraduate at The University of Auckland. She has always had the personal charm and likability to woo, charm, and make people feel important. I am sure the late Dale Carnegie would approve of her social competence. Without her, the Labour Party would still be in opposition under Andrew Little or some other Labour leader in another universe. Jacinda was the only person that would have had the abilities and leadership qualities to lead Labour to victory, which she did in the 2017 General Election. It was no wonder that for years people touted her as the next leader of New Zealand before. Now as the incumbent, I expect her to win.

Why do I think the Prime Minister will win? Multifaceted reasons. I’ve known the Prime Minister for a few years beginning in 2016 when I volunteered for the NZ Labour Party initially as a young undergraduate at The University of Auckland. She has always had the personal charm and likability to woo, charm, and make people feel important. I am sure the late Dale Carnegie would approve of her social competence. Without her, the Labour Party would still be in opposition under Andrew Little or some other Labour leader in another universe. Jacinda was the only person that would have had the abilities and leadership qualities to lead Labour to victory, which she did in the 2017 General Election. It was no wonder that for years people touted her as the next leader of New Zealand before. Now as the incumbent, I expect her to win.  

Jacinda is the most charismatic, likeable, and respectable politician that I have personally witnessed. The masterful political marketing on social media, her genuine smile and exceptional communication skills are nothing short of remarkable. If there was a textbook that I would use for my hypothetical communication class, I would use her as the main role model. I know rarely anyone besides her in the Labour Party with this kind of talent. Some may even claim that she was born for the role…perhaps. This is the key factor that will win her the election. Simply put, the New Zealand public really likes her. The Covid-19 pandemic also may have helped her in the polls, as incumbents tend to do better during crises. Evidenced by President George W. Bush’s approval rating skyrocketing to above 88% during 9/11. But the personable qualities of the Prime Minister helped the Labour Party to climb well above National today. Her identity also shaped her likeability, especially for a small, young and progressive country like Aotearoa. As a female who is young, attractive, relatable, and extremely charismatic, she had all the cards that helped her seem relatable. 

In contrast, National has not had anyone on a similar level as Ardern since Sir John Key. Although Simon Bridges is very good when you meet him privately, however, on television and social media, he didn’t have that key spark required to get people on your side. His negative approval rating and his image as a bitter, resentful person hasn’t helped. Although his successor Todd Muller has a positive net approval rating but is someone known as a simple ‘boring old white guy’. Neither does he have personal social competence equal to the Prime Minister and I expect him to be out once the election is over. Until National find a person as equally sociable as Jacinda, they will struggle for years to come. The Key/English years are over, and they must find a long term solution to this missing gap in National’s leadership. The other alternative is for the current leadership self-improve themselves on the basis of mimicking Jacinda’s abilities. The rebuilding stage needs to happen now. For now, they can hope for at least 35% to save most of the caucus, but the pinnacle difference between the two major parties is charisma and charm of the leadership. 

Why do I think the Prime Minister will win? Multifaceted reasons. I’ve known the Prime Minister for a few years beginning in 2016 when I volunteered for the NZ Labour Party initially as a young undergraduate at The University of Auckland. She has always had the personal charm and likability to woo, charm, and make people feel important. I am sure the late Dale Carnegie would approve of her social competence. Without her, the Labour Party would still be in opposition under Andrew Little or some other Labour leader in another universe. Jacinda was the only person that would have had the abilities and leadership qualities to lead Labour to victory, which she did in the 2017 General Election. It was no wonder that for years people touted her as the next leader of New Zealand before. Now as the incumbent, I expect her to win.  

However, the Labour Party have a clear competence problem within its hierarchy. The Prime Minister has been exceptional as a communicator throughout the pandemic, illustrated in her excellent press conferences with Dr. Ashley Bloomfield. But you cannot run a country well without a great team. There is a reason people like Clare Curran and David Clark were targeted by the opposition – they were incompetent. Period. 

Although there are a few very competent Ministers such as Grant Robertson, David Parker, Kris Faafoi, and the new Health Minister Chris Hipkins — on top of his three additional portfolios. After the election, they need to build a broadly new cabinet with the competence, skillsets and abilities to keep New Zealand safe, not just from Covid-19, but also from our precarious economic position. The Prime Minister may be able to rely on her sociability for now, but she must be far more decisive in either sacking or removing incompetent people in Cabinet. As Machiavelli once said, “He who wishes to be obeyed must know how to command.” I’m glad to see the addition of Epidemiologist Dr. Ayesha Verrell in Parliament soon and I know she will make a good contribution for New Zealanders. Hopefully, Ardern realises soon that incompetence will get punished in the next poll in 2023. 

The Prime Minister has this in the bag, for now. But until the actual election results, we won’t find out until October.  

Reconciliation requires greater free speech

The Victorian government, having passed legislation to authorise negotiation with Aboriginal Victorians, is advancing towards a formal treaty. Despite the entreaties of activists, the experience of New Zealand suggests a treaty is unlikely to be an end point to the process of reconciliation.

Indeed, though it’s been 179 years since the Treaty of Waitangi was signed —even that amount of time hasn’t reconciled the relations between Maoris and pakeha New Zealanders.

On the contrary it is actually becoming increasingly difficult to have open discussion about the issues surrounding Indigenous communities on both sides of the Tasman.

Recently both Former New Zealand National Party leader Don Brash and Alice Springs Town Councillor Jacinta Price, have been targeted for putting forward their views on Indigenous issues.

Brash and Price have extensive knowledge of the problems and are more than qualified to express their opinions. It is offensive and ludicrous to dismiss their opinions as ‘hate speech’.

Brash gave a speech at Waitangi this week — the first time in 15 years he has spoken there.

At his 2004 appearance, he was pelted with mud by protesters angry about his infamous Orewa speech just weeks before; in which he criticised separatist policies, such as the mandatory levels of Maori representation on district health boards and Māori electorate seats in Parliament.

Last year, Brash was banned from speaking at Massey University due to Vice-Chancellor Jan Thomas’ fear about inciting ‘hate speech’. Brash’s supposed crime is that he has a different opinion. He argues on the basis of committing to the rule of law and to equal treatment for all.

In Australia, Price was criticised for supporting retaining the date of Australia Day. She was accused by her critics of ignoring Australian colonialism in the past. Critics went so far as to suggest that she ‘legitimises racism’. This is nonsense.

Price is not a racist. She simply wants to deal with such issues as rape and domestic violence — which she spotlights as the real threats to Australia’s Indigenous communities.

Free speech and civil discourse are essential for debating controversial issues in order to find sound policy solutions. Genuine change will only come when people start listening and debating the arguments, rather than hurling accusations of bigotry.

No lasting reconciliation can be built by shutting down any uncomfortable debate with accusations of racism.

Leonard Hong is a student at the University of Auckland and a research intern at The Centre for Independent Studies.